When speaking before audiences about nonviolent
conflict resolution, I ask two questions. How many of you have
ever been hit in any physical way anytime in your life by a total
stranger? A few isolated hands go up. Second question: how many of
you have ever been hit in any physical way anytime in your life by
someone you know or by a member of your family?
Nearly all hands go up
Yet most of us are conditioned to fear the
street criminal, even though for many people there is more to fear
walking in the house at night than walking out.
In the same convoluted way, Americans are
conditioned to fear international criminals what have lately been
called “rogue nations”even though since 1945 we are the ones who
have dispatched soldiers to bomb or threaten to bomb people in
China (1945-46), Korea (1950-53), China (1950-53), Guatemala
(1954), Indonesia (1958), Cuba (1959-60), Guatemala (1960), Congo
(1964), Peru (1965), Laos (1964-73), Vietnam (1961-73), Cambodia
(1969-70), Guatemala (1967-69), Grenada (1983), Libya (1986), El
Salvador (1980s), Nicaragua (1980s), Panama (1989), Iraq
(1991-2000), Sudan (1998), Afghanistan (1998), and Yugoslavia
(1999).
Whether it’s across a living room or across a
border, conflicts will be settled either through violent force or
through nonviolent force. Conflict, by definition, means only
this: we need to change our way of dealing with each other; the
old way no longer works. Conflict is a neutral term, neither
positive nor negative. If someone says, “I like to avoid
conflict,” get them a one-way ticket to Mars, Pluto, or Neptune.
On earth, this third-rate planet revolving around a second-rate
sun, we have conflict. It’s almost always a signal to get another
way of dealing with a disagreement.
Since 1982, I have been teaching high school,
college, and law students the methods of nonviolent conflict
resolution. I have learned two realities from having taught some
5,000 students: first, nonviolence is teachable; and second, the
young are hungry to learn the skills.
No nation has so vast a literature on
nonviolence as America. Yet, judging from our history of wars, our
high rates of homicide, spouse and child abuse, abortions, the
killing of animals for food, our death row executions, it’s as if
the art of resolving conflicts nonviolently were as hard to learn
as astrophysics in Urdu.
It isn’t that hard. The following steps are
among the well-tested methods of decreasing or ending violence
whether the disputes are among or within nations, companies,
school kids, or families:
Define the conflict. If defined objectively,
rather than subjectively, which is how most of us do it, conflict
means only this: We need a new way of doing things, the old way
has failed.
Sociologists report that in as many as
seventy-five percent of husband-wife fights, the combatants are
battling over different issues. The husband may be enraged over
what his wife said or did that morning. The wife is out of control
over what her husband said or did ten weeks ago. They can’t settle
their conflict because they don’t know what it’s about. It’s this
to him, that to her.
This dynamic is seen among warring nations, not
only battling couples. In 1991, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and
President George Bush, leaders of two governments long accustomed
to solving conflicts by killing people, defined their dispute
differently. For Hussein, it was a property issue: Land under
Kuwait’s control really belonged to Iraq. Bush defined it several
ways. First, it was oil. Then it was the threat to the industrial
world. Finally, it was that old standby: stopping naked
aggression.
Here were two politicians, as self-righteous
and self-deluded as a warring husband and wife, unwilling to
define the essence of the conflict. If two sides can define what
they are fighting about, the chances increase that misperceptions
will be clarified.
It’s not you against me, it’s you and me
against the problem. The problem is the problem. Most people and
nations go into battle convinced, I’m right, you’re wrong; I’m
good, you’re evil; I’m wise, you’re foolish; I’m going to win,
you’re going to lose. Even if one side does win, the first
reaction of the loser is, I want a rematch: I’ll come back with
meaner words, harder fists and bigger bombs. Then you’ll learn,
then you’ll be good and then we’ll have peace forever.
This is an illusion, but few can give it up. By
focusing on the problem, and not the person with the problem, a
climate of cooperation, not competition, is enhanced.
List the relationship’s many shared concerns
and needs, as against one shared separation. In Ernest Hemingway’s
novel, A Farewell To Arms, the most soulful of his stories (as
against his usual chest-thumping books), a character is described
in a hauntingly beautiful phrase: “He was strong in the broken
places.” All of us have been, are being, or will be broken by
life. If we are strong in the broken places, chances for mending
increase. They’ll increase if the strengths of the relationship
the shared concerns and needs are given more attention than the
lone unshared separation.
When people have fought, don’t ask what
happened. This is an irrelevant question. They will answer with
their version of what happened, almost always self-justifying. The
better question is, “What did you do?” This elicits facts, not
opinions. Misperceptions are clarified, not prolonged.
Skilled trial layers, whether in civil or
criminal cases, don’t ask people on the stand what happened.
Instead, it’s “What did you do?” Juries decide or are told to
decide on the relevance of factual information.
Start with what’s doable. Restoration of peace
can’t be done quickly. If it took a long time for the dispute to
begin, it will take time to end it.
Work on one small doable rather than many large
undoables. Almost always, it’s a laughably small wound that causes
the first hurt in a relationship. But then, ignoring the smallness
takes on a size of its own. Ignoring the problem becomes larger
than the original problem.
Develop forgiveness skills. Many people of
large minds are willing to say after the conflict, “I’m going to
bury the hatchet.” To themselves, they add: “But I’m going to mark
exactly where I bury it, just in case I need to dig it up for the
next fight.”
Forgiveness looks forward, vengeance looks
backward. Again, it’s anatomy: we have eyes in the front of our
heads, not the back.
Purify our hearts. This is merely an elegant
way of telling ourselves, “I need to get my own messy life in
order before I can instruct others how to live.”
The United States President Clinton, Secretary
of State Madeleine K. Albright, Defense Secretary William S. Cohen
and others have been busy preaching to Saddam Hussein about Iraq’s
weapons of mass destruction, while the United States has the
largest arsenal of such weapons in the history of the planet.
Why not send in the heralded United Nations
inspection team to tell the world where America’s weapons of mass
destruction are located and how many, and how much money was spent
on them that could have gone to schools, health care, and road
repair?
Purifying America’s heart would involve facing
the unpleasant reality that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. spoke
of April 4,1967, in his antiwar speech at Riverside Church in New
York: “The greatest purveyor of violence in the world today [is]
my own government.... A nation that continues year after year to
spend more money on military defense than on programs of social
uplift is approaching spiritual death.”
Do these nine steps of nonviolent conflict
resolution always work? No. Sometimes the conflict partners are so
emotionally wounded or ideologically hidebound that nothing can
stop the violence. But large numbers of conflicts can be resolved
without killing or wounding the other side, provided the
strategies for peacemaking are known. If they aren’t known, start
to teach them: in the world’s schools, in religious institutions.
They all claim to want peace.
Gandhi routinely said, don’t bring your
opponents to their knees, bring them to their senses. Nonviolence
means prevention before the crisis. Violence says the opposite:
intervention after intervention with fists, guns, bombs, and
armies.
With 28,000 high schools in the United States,
78,000 elementary schools and 3,000 colleges, few other
opportunities for decreasing violence are greater than peace
education: systematically teaching the literature of peace and
techniques of conflict resolution, in every grade in every school.
Wishful thinking yes, let us hope for peace
won’t do it. Serious thinking will.