The Build-Up Of Conflict
Communist and Congress parties had assured the people that
political freedom; economic development and social security would
be guaranteed in panchayat were replaced by democracy. People had
hopes and beliefs that the end of the corrupt and closed system
would result in a transparent political system, which would base
on the will and wishes of the people in all respects. They had
hopes of easy and fair justice, free and just administration and
social security.
However, unlike popular expectation, discrimination started to
take place right from the constitution making process. Part 4 of
the Constitution institutionalized religious discrimination when
it stated Hindu as the state religion. People’s demands for
regional, linguistic, religious and ethnic issues were not
accommodated. The old fatalist and priestly culture held and
sustained by the Hindu framework of labor division continued to be
the tool of democratic governance. Not by accident, it was done so
on purpose, as the unfolding events explained.
Following
the promulgation of the Constitution, the Nepali Congress Party
got majority in the first general elections and formed the
government under the leadership of Girija Prasad Koirala as the
Prime Minister. Securing 69 seats. The CPN (UML) stood as a strong
opposition. Besides, there were 11 other leftist members in the
House of Representatives. Prime Minister Koirala presented himself
as a strong anti-communist Nepali Congress member instead of a
prime minister responsible for and impartial national
administration. He did not care what the opposition was to say.
Police and state administration were controlled by respective
ministers and made to side with Nepali Congress party. Members of
erstwhile panchayat were brought in. Nepali Congress Party swelled
like anything. Those who chose not to side with Nepali Congress
became victims of the system as a whole. Within democracy, a
typical form of despotism came in place and it was justified on
pretences of protection nascent democracy much in the same way the
panchayat system used to justify crimes in the name of the king,
monarchy and the people.
In rural
areas of Nepal, atrocities further heightened. Violence and crimes
became a routine. Now, the people divided between those who had
reason to hope and those who had to lose it (hope).
What is
painful more than this for the people who sacrificed as much as
their life for democracy in view that the nation would be ruled by
conscience not by criminality! What people would do if their
choice turned to be worse than what they hated!
Criminalisation and Impunity
Political transformation would mean the end of the wrong
protected by the old system. It would mean legal action against
criminals and rogues. The interim government had made an attempt
to do this. It had formed a commission headed by Janardan Lal
Mallik in order to look into the events that occurred surrounding
the People’s Movement and submit a report. The commission
completed its job and submitted the report to the cabinet. The
cabinet passed the report onto the Office of the Attorney General
to ‘implement the report.’ But the Office remarked that only on
the basis of the report no action could be taken against anyone
stated in the report. All ‘criminals’ got impunity. Over years,
they even became policy makers of the new system.
Scores of criminals notoriously known for their criminal
records, convicted and held on a charge of murder, violence,
vandalism, and so on even by the panchayat system, were pardoned,
they were released, and their properties confiscated were
returned. Of those former criminals, DB Lama has been elected as a
Nepali Congress MP, and Bhim Prasad Gauchan has been allowed an
entry in the CPN (UML).
Following the advent of democracy the criminal hold of state
power did not end after all. In a bid to power balance between the
major allies of the People’s Movement, the Nepali Congress and CPN
(UML), encouraged the veterans of panchayat regime to enter in
their parties. These professional gangsters enjoy an especial say
in the parties as they have entered either due to monetary reason
or any other especial influence. These are the people who
influence elections and policymaking processes, and reap the
benefit as soon as the government is formed. The government under
such circumstances is primarily bound to protect the interest of
these people who invest money or muscle during elections because
they are required for the next elections as well. Above all, the
criminals of the panchayat regime entertained full impunity.
All bodies and departments of the state are affected by
impunity as political leadership is in the morass of criminality.
When a person of the stature of prime minister says, ‘smugglers
have invaded parliamentary politics’, the commoners are bound to
question whether the prime minister is one of them.
Corruption
Corruption
is one of the worst vices of the democratic system, perhaps no
less culpable than criminality. And, the politicians have been the
mainsprings of corruption, both political and moral. In the
panchayat regime, 18 major corruption cases were recorded besides
gold, idol and drug smuggling, in the past decade, which
characterizes democratic polity, the number of corruption cases is
no less than that, if not higher.
Almost all
parties and MPs are associated with corruption one way or the
other; in the purchase of aircraft, fertilizer, release of
panchayat-convicted criminals, in the pretence of toppling and
protecting a particular government. The list goes on.
Politics of
conscience is a kind of self-owned responsibility, the
responsibility that makes one give up personal interests in favor
of common good. This is a difficult job that requires reason,
vision, perseverance and sacrifice. There are only a few, who can
merit these plural thinking, a dedication to eliminating the
system that maintains an unjust distribution of wealth and
resources. They are called leaders. They have a plural thinking, a
dedication to eliminating the system that maintains an unjust
distribution of wealth and resources. They are leaders because
they have envisioned of a system, which is not divided between the
oppressor and the oppressed. Leaders have thus a position superior
to that of common people, and the superiority is maintained by the
respect they command from the people.
But in the
case of Nepal, politics has been regarded as a kind of business
investing in which multiplies profit. After the advent of
democracy, a decision was made to pay compensation for the victims
of anti-panchayat (in some cases, in favor of panchayat) politics.
Over years, it was justified that the decision was made with an
exclusive focus on those who made or could make decision. It was a
decision made by the leaders for the leaders. This can be taken as
an example of moral corruption.
The people
who have lost everything and have no specific say and influence in
decision making have gone unnoticed, unfortunately.
In the year 2000, corruption concerning mobile telephone sets
has been reported as the largest case of corruption after the
advent of democracy. The other one associated with Lauda Air has
been one of the highly publicized cases so far. Prime minister and
senior ministers of the cabinet have been reportedly involved in
both. The opposition parties in parliament have been pressing the
‘corrupt’ prime minister to resign for over 50 days, but to no
avail until this write up was sent to printers.
In most of the corruption cases, the whole state institution
has been reportedly involved. As a report has noted, various
bodies and departments under Finance, Home, General
Administration, and Tourism and Civil Aviation Ministries have
been directly involved in revenue leakages and smuggling.
Corruption takes place almost everywhere, even in political
appointment, promotion and overseas travel. Yet another report
observes that the planning for smuggling is made in consultation
with police, investigation and special police institutions.
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