-M.L. Nepali

The thrust of this principle has inflicted itself most severely in Nepalese society on the Dalits. Those who held the reins of government in Nepal did not oppose the communal system characterized by its practice of untouchability. Political forces have used the eradication of untouchability as a slogan for grabbing power or winning elections. But once power is won one does not see any concrete scheme being brought in for improving the lot of the Dalits who have lived for ages under the yoke of untouchability, or for bringing change to an unjust society. The country code of 1910 Bikram Era, which was based on the Manusmiriti (a system that gives importance to birth and not to deeds), was not discarded by the revolution of 2007. Nor was it discarded by the constitution of 2015 or the majority government of the Nepali Congress party that followed. The new country code of Bhadra 1, 2020 announced the end of untouchability, but this was not backed up by any sanctions. The law did not spell out the punishment or fine to be imposed on those practicing untouchability. For some 30 years such practice remained un-punishable under the law. It took the constitution of 2047 which came after the restoration of democracy to announce sanctions against anyone practicing untouchability. Under provision 10A of the new country code as amended by the constitution, anyone guilty of the practice of untouchability is liable to one year in jail and Rs. 3,000 in fine. Yet for 13 years after the return of democracy the state has not shown any instance anywhere of a clear application of this law which is of its own making.

The above are just some examples. There numerous incidents of the Dalits languishing in the clutches of injustice. The ruling classes want to leave the exploitative processes of untouchability untouched so as to ensure that their own rule is stable, secure and peaceful. Nepal’s unequal social structure is conducive to exploitation. The regime does not want to contemplate changing this. It is easier to rule a society divided into various classes and caste interests. The reactionary ruling class will never of its own free will want to be alienated from its authority. When something is developed the seeds of its own disintegration emerge as soon as its dynamism and speed are impeded. In the development of society also, a rebellion will be born if the people are unable to meet their basic needs and demands. The narrow thinking of the ruling class, its backward looking ways that prevent it from changing with the changing realities, stand in the way of speedy change in society. This immutable shape of exploitation and oppression will give rise to a massive uprising against the ruling dispensation. Rebellion will subsequently emerge as a right in itself. Rebellion which alone can right a thousand wrongs will find pride of place in the hearts of the poor, suffering, oppressed, Dalit community. It is in this fashion that one can see society undergoing transformation. Let us turn now briefly to the material and mental situation of the Dalits.

As the Dalits are uneducated, they are given short shrift. Because of their poverty they are subject to rampant exploitation, untouchability sees to it that they are boycotted and looked down upon, and as they are outside the ruling circles they remain voiceless and powerless. Unable to organize, they are gotten the better of in everything. Let us see what the thinking of the Dalit organizations is about changing these realities.

1. Dependency politics: One thinks in terms of following and currying favor with kings and rulers to become a member of parliament, a government minister. If one looks to another and stands alone, one has no basis in the people.

2. Fraternal organizations of political party: The Dalits have been associated to some degree or other with the fraternal organizations of all the political parties. The Dalits, as loyal followers of the political parties through their fraternal organizations and as stepping stones for elections, only succeeded in rendering service to the parties. They carry the bags for the party, they carry the chairs and hold the ladder, pay levies and taxes, mobilize people for public gatherings and functions, and make sacrifices for the sake of the party. But they are never allowed in where the decisions are made. During the 13 year history of the restored democracy, there have been five members of the upper house and one vice chairman from the Dalit community. For the Dalits there has been nothing noteworthy other than this.

3. Project-oriented NGO’s: Some NGO’s working among the Dalits, instead of fostering a spirit of revolt against the injustice of untouchability, tend to go for projects in goat keeping, improved pig breeding, adult literacy and programs implemented through consumer groups, beneficiary groups and community based organizations, and then leave after a year or two.

The Dalits also have organizations that advance the Dalit movement by building up entities that work to make people aware and producing active workers, and that work closely with the Dalit oppressed. Such organizations have promoted Dalit rights, and with their clarity of thought and high spirits they have struggled and brought change in society. Some Dalit organizations with an inclination towards agitation are now advancing with courage and audacity towards a showdown with cruel and unjust social customs including that of untouchability. Let us now turn for a while towards an analysis of how international non-government organizations, foreign donor agencies, and the ruling and other political parties look at the Dalits and how they behave towards them.

1. INGOs have worked closely with people of the oppressed classes, Dalits, the poor and ethnic groups to a greater or lesser degree in all the geographical areas. They can be seen extending their cooperation to the poor and those with no opportunities, but they are not to be found infusing self-confidence into long term approaches and partner organisations that can bring true liberation to the Dalits. What is to be found is a tendency on the part of INGOs to make use of and experiment with the programs they provide, then abandon their partner organizations and phase themselves out, leaving the Dalit liberation movement uncompleted. At the same time the conduct of the INGOs makes one feel that they work not out of empathy but out of sympathy. In working with the Dalits the INGOs seem to want a trickle down effect in social change rather than a surging flood. The theory of change they apparently prefer is one that does not upset the social apple cart, does not throw up any obstacles or challenges, and allows for the INGOs to continue their work over the long term without, however, producing any real gain.

2. Donor organizations contribute some 33 percent to the annual budget of His Majesty’s Government. But they do not contribute even one percent of their total budget to help the Dalits who comprise 20 percent of the population. Nor is it stipulated anywhere in loan and grant agreements with the government that a certain percentage of the monies involved should be used for the wellbeing of the Dalits. The good news is that CCO Canada, Danida HUGOU, USAID and some other donor organizations now extend their help to the Dalits directly. What is urgently needed is for the donor community to work for the Dalits under a 20 year long term scheme which provides for direct access for the Dalits to education, governance and means and resources.

3. In order to bring the Dalits into the mainstream of development, the parliamentary political parties and the government should do away with the old and unjust mainstream and open up a smoother way for the Dalits. There is transformation taking place now on the social plane. Society is passing through wide-ranging conflict between Maoists and government, which has already resulted in the death of more than 7000 Nepalese. Why has such a grave and critical situation come about? It is mandatory for the political parties and the government to ponder seriously what kind of thinking, what kind of force and conduct are required to restore things to peace, and work to convert the current peace talks into lasting peace. What is clear to us is that if the state of exploitation, injustice and oppression which has now established itself in society does not change, it will itself give rise to revolt against injustice. The Dalits, the ethnic communities, women and the Madeshi remain under the sway of these higher castes and classes. The voice of the entire oppressed people has gone unheard. That is why this force which has been subjected to injustice has now broken out of the inertia of an unjust set up and joined up with forward looking forces. If the present regime and the political parties fail to understand this reality and do not change with the times, there is no way they can last.

4. Analysis of Maoist thinking about the Dalits: In a class society class conflict will take place. But the slogan that caste liberation will come only after class liberation cannot bring fundamental caste liberation. In China Mao had to launch a proletarian cultural revolution l7 years after the original revolution. This is proof that caste liberation cannot take place automatically through class liberation. If caste untouchability which is associated with Brahminism and feudalism is to be eradicated, class struggle should go hand in hand with total war, and class liberation and caste liberation should also go hand in hand.

I have a little question to ask of my Maoist friends. Why have they not given women and the Dalits a participatory role in the peace talks? We accept the logic that the main thing in the talks is not the presence or absence of any particular community, but whether or not anything is done for that community. But we do know that the Dalits as a proletariat class have been involved in the class war. About a thousand Dalits attained martyrdom. Could not one noble and talented soul among the Dalit protagonists of the sacrifice and commitment propounded by you have been chosen from the Dalits for participation in the talks? What key role have Dalit fighters not played in further weakening the hold of the exploiting class? What are your views about this? Physical presence or representation at the talks is not the main issue. But it would have been natural for the Dalit militants, immersed in the thoughts of the oppressed about liberation, to make great inroads into the minimal levels of awareness that exist at a national level, quite apart from safeguarding the rights and interests of the Dalits themselves.

5. Conclusion: Caste untouchability, the social face of the feudal regime, grew and expanded from the local level into a central presence. It is the conflict built into this structure that is the main aim of Dalit liberation. That is why it is necessary to rise above politics and ideology to make the struggle against caste untouchability the main agenda, link up the fight against poverty with the struggle against untouchability, and develop the thinking of Dalit liberation through the imparting of knowledge, education and awareness to the Dalits themselves. Untouchability will not end through changes in government or a change in the system alone. Transforming an unjust society and bringing about the participation of the Dalits in governance constitute the main thrust of Dalit liberation.