16-year-old Pavna1 is of the Badi caste, the lowest caste within the Dalit community. Her husband, 21-year-old Manoj, is B.K., belonging to the Kamis who are considered the highest caste of Dalits. The two young people met each other when they were working in the fields as day-labourers and fell in love. After two years, they decided that despite caste differences, they wanted to get married.

- I talked with the father of the bridegroom and told him that the two young people wanted to marry. He said that he had no objections and that in his opinion, the young generation should be free to make their own choices, tells Pavna’s uncle.

In the first six months after the marriage, Pavna and Manoj lived happily with Manoj’s family. After a few months, however, things changed. The parents of the bridegroom along with other higher caste Dalits in the village started grudging about the marriage. Their opposition to the young couple’s relation was further fuelled by village Brahmins, who began to spread quarrels over the issue – immediately comprehending that if the Dalit inter-caste hierarchy was being eroded, next in line for dismantlement might be the entire Hindu system of segregation between castes, and hence also the privileges enjoyed by Brahmins.

- The family and villagers started to bully the two young people and as time passed by, the harassments severed. One day, the couple were stripped naked and beaten by the boy’s father and uncle. Although the father promised that this would never happen again, more violent episodes did follow and eventually Pavna and Manoj decided to flee the village.

The bride’s uncle, who is telling the story, is an elder man dressed in a grey suit. I meet him in the office of Equality Development Centre, a volunteer organization in Silgadhi established by Dalit youths who wish to empower disadvantaged groups. The uncle neither wants his name, nor his picture to be published. He is still living in the village and fears that people will harass him if they think he is arousing a debate about the issue. He has previously brought the story to local media and consequently had to stay away from the village for several weeks until the anger among the villagers subsided. Now that the situation as far as he himself is concerned has calmed down, he does not want to rip it up again. Yet, he wants the story to be told.

- I always supported the marriage. I don’t think discrimination is right. So I told the young couple that I supported them, but that they might face difficulties among other people, he says.

The story of Pavna and Manoj exposes an issue that many Dalit organizations do not like to talk about; namely the issue of caste hierarchy and of discrimination taking place among Dalits themselves.

- There are three backgrounds to Dalit inter-caste discrimination: labour division, religion and power, asserts Chakra Man Bishwokarma of Dalit Welfare Organisation, Kathmandu.

- Initially, the caste grouping was a way of exploiting labour skills. For instance, among the hill Dalits, kamis were metal workers, damai were tailors, and badi were engaged in dancing, music, and also prostitution. It was only later that this division became hierarchical and even institutionalised with the civil code of the Ranas. Although the Ranas used the word "religion", their real reason for imposing caste relations was that this social system enabled a strong group of society to divide and rule. Dalits constitute 20 percent of the population and therefore, keeping us divided is a good strategy for the people in power, Chakra explains.

He emphasises that the discriminatory practices which currently take place within the Dalit community, do not have their origin in Dalit culture. Rather, he believes that they have trickled down and tainted Dalit culture through years of Brahmin dominance.

Regardless of its origins – whether it "trickled down" from Brahmin practices or whether it was an inherent part of Dalit culture – discrimination continues to be widely practiced by Dalits, of Dalits and among Dalits. Most Dalit intellectuals hope that new generations will distance themselves from these practices and find other values to build their identity on. But how do things look for those who have to do the struggling? How do things look for Pavna and Manoj?

- At the moment, they are moving around, depending on where they can find work, says Pavna’s uncle.

- After one or two years, things will also have quieted down in our village and they will be able to move back.

But would they want to do that?

The old man shrugs his shoulders.

- I don’t know anything about their plans for the future. Actually, I don’t think they make plans, he says.